Effect of Social Class on Children in the Educational System

Effect of Social Class on Children in the Educational System Social class and how it affects children aged 7 years and below within the English educational system This report considers recent research evidence related to inclusive education, and equality of opportunity, in relation to social class and how it affects children aged 7 years and below within the English educational system. A definition of inclusive education relevant to early educational practice will be offered. A literature review will be undertaken, that will principally examine the size of the social class differences amongst young children, and will go on to consider a case study of inclusive practice that was implemented at one English primary school. Recommendations for future research are made. Introduction Since the publication of the Plowden Report in 1967, it has been apparent that social class has a profound effect on the educational achievement of primary school children. In the past two decades, there have been a number of specific legislative changes that have altered the shape of primary school education. With the Education Reform Act(1988), schools have been required to undertake standardised testing of7 year old children in English, Mathematics and Science subjects. Furthermore, schools have been required to publish controversial ‘league tables’ of performance, alongside national averages, in their school prospectus publications. There have been several policies introduced to reduce the effects of deprivation on young children including Sure Start, and a planned widening of availability of nursery education all in the name of ‘inclusive education’ (Barnes, Belsky,Broomfield, Dave et al, 2004, p 46-9). Indeed, Geertz (2001) has argued that New Labour policy makers strive to â€Å"make all families like middle-class families, or at least the ideal-typical middle class family of much educational research† (p 7). However, there is surprisingly little empirical research evidence available on inclusive education, or equality of opportunity in early educational settings, with most studies focussing on secondary school children. This is also regrettable since Sammons and Sees (1998) have clearly shown that at the age of seven, prior attainment accounts for 26-43% of variance in national assessment results (p 389 – 407). Therefore, early teaching support of children with special educational needs, or affected by poverty or difficult personal circumstances would appear to be of immense importance to prevent children who start school behind their peers from falling further behind as their school careers progress. This report will critically assess available empirical studies related to the education of children aged 7 years and below within the United Kingdom. Furthermore, it will examine theoretical and philosophical perspectives on early inclusive education, and make recommendations for further research. Method The search strategy employed for the literature review involved searching electronic bibliographical databases for relevant research and policy papers related to the topic of inclusive education, and equality of opportunity, and social class issues with English school pupils aged 7 and under. No date restrictions were imposed on the searches, although most papers that were located and subsequently considered in this literature review were published in the 1990’s and2000’s. The electronic bibliographical databases that were searched were ERIC, the British Education Index and Psych Lit. Abstracts for each paper were inspected on an individual basis to assess their relevance to the literature review. Research papers within the terms of the literature review were then obtained from various library sources. However, it was felt that much of the research on early inclusive education would be found in the grey literature. Therefore, the Education Line database of conference proceedings, provided by Leeds University, was also searched for relevant papers. Finally, a search of the websites of highly regarded academic educational research centres, and government official statistics, was undertaken and further relevant research reports were obtained this way. Literature Review Although ‘inclusive education’ has been the buzz word of the education sector for many years, there is a lack of clarity in its definition. It broadly includes reference to a schools receptivity to accommodate the needs of all its pupils, and be â€Å"more responsive to pupil diversity†(Fiorina, Rouse, Black-Hawkins and Jull (2004), p 118). Furthermore, Fiorina et al (2004) have argued that inclusion and achieving high standards are not necessarily mutually exclusive goals, with some schools achieving both (p 115). Stephen and Cope (2003) have further elaborated on the interpretation of inclusive education, drawing distinction between the individual model where the deprived pupil is seen as ‘the problem’ (p 274) to be moulded into the school system, towards a social model of inclusive education. The social model acknowledges that there may be individual characteristics of the child that need to be considered, but also consider the possible institutional and operational barriers that hinder children’s entry and integration into infant schools. In their study, children from middleclass homes were supported by parents when they started infant schoolboy practising numeracy and literacy at home, and through more proactive involvement in school activities (p 273). Gallannaugh and Dyson (2003) have conducted a study of 25 practitioners working in three English LEA’s to assess what ‘inclusive education ‘development was possible in schools, and make sense of school responses to the inclusion agenda. Some teachers reported confusion over what ‘inclusive education’ was, since many official sources of information focussed on inclusion of children with special educational needs only(p 1). However, most teachers saw ‘inclusive education’ as provision for all children who were at risk of underachieving within the educational system, a version of inclusive education that is compatible with New Labour’s ‘social inclusion’ agenda ensuring that all members of society participate in the opportunities and activities of mainstream society (Blanket, 1999). A definition of inclusive education that attracted consensus amongst the teachers was â€Å"a set of broad values which we understood to be inclusive, and which we articulated as a commitment to equality, and increasing participation of all children (rather than one or other marginalised groups) in common education† (p 2). In synthesising research papers on social class related to early education, it is apparent that the term ‘social class’ has been interpreted in different ways by different authors. Sammons (1995) has highlighted that some researchers have attempted to â€Å"identify and separate the effects of different combinations of disadvantaging factors, noting that whilst not additive there is evidence of cumulative disadvantage (i.e. experiencing one factor such as low social class or low income on its own is less closely associated with low attainment than experiencing both these factors)† (p 467). Furthermore, Sparks (1999) has classified the different interpretations as including children from low income households, parental unemployment, paternal/ maternal occupation and inappropriate housing environment (p 10). She has examined research studies that look at each of these aspects, but only a few studies specifically examine the age range of 0 to 7 years. Pupils coming from a low income household, as indicated by eligibility for free school meals, appears to have marked effect on educational achievement at the age of 7 years and above (p 14). Furthermore, West, Pennell, West and Travers (1999) have shown that receipt of income support benefit by the household accounted for 66% of variance in educational achievement at a local authority level (p 10). Sparks (1999) has stated that â€Å"non-school factors are a more important source of variation in educational achievement than differences in the quality of education that students receive† (p 9).However, there is a broad consensus that schools can counteract some of the effects of social deprivation through inclusive educational practice. Indeed, empirical evidence suggests that schools have an independent effect of between 8% and 15%, and school effects are greater within the primary school sector (Reynolds, Sammons, Stoll, Barber et al, 1996 (p 140)). In the UK, research evidence on the effects of pre-school education are mixed (Sparks, 1999, p 12). However, research studies have indicated that when children receiving nursery education are compared to those receiving no nursery education, pre-school experience has a positive impact on achievement in national assessment tests at the age of seven (Sammons and Sees, 1998, p 400).However, poor families may not have access to quality services in areas where demand for nursery services is high. Middle class families, however, may have the advantage in that they can turn to the private sector provision where necessary. Smaller studies have shown an association between social class and early pupil attainment. However, stronger evidence is supplied by McCullum (1993) who compared aggregated Key Stage One results for local education authorities in England, against measures of social class obtained from the 1991 Social Census. This study clearly showed that social class, as evidenced through the number of social class 1 and 2individuals in the local population, showed a statistically significant and positive relationship with the Local Education Authority’s Key Stage One test scores, across all LEA’s sampled (p 95). Furthermore, Thomas (1995) has also shown how free school meal entitlement, and special educational needs, were strongly correlated with performance at Key Stage One (p 280). More recently, Sammons (1995) has studied 2000primary school children longitudinally at 50 ethnically diverse inner-city schools over a 9 year period. The children were monitored from the ages of 7 to 10 years. For the purpose of this report the results will be reported for the youngest of the cohort. The main purpose of the study was to assess primary schools effectiveness at developing cognitive and non-cognitive educational outcomes amongst children. Detailed records were kept on every child’s background characteristics such as ethnicity, socio-economic status and gender. For the purpose of the study, social class was measured as father’s occupation, and eligibility for free school meals. There were statistically significant differences in absolute attainment at ages 7, and above (p 479), with the biggest effect being in reading rather than mathematics performance. At 7 years, receiving free school meals accounted for just over 7% of variance in reading test performance, while having father working in an semi or unskilled profession accounted for 14.5%of variance, and having a father who was unemployed accounted for8.35%. However, for mathematics test performance, free school meals accounted for just 1.3% of variance, and having a father in a semi/unskilled profession accounted for 4.22% of variance while having father who was unemployed at the time of the study accounted for 2.57%of variance (p 471). This study was based on pupils attending primary schools in the decade of the 1980’s, and prior to the onset of the National Curriculum. It is the only longitudinal study of its kind that has been published using a British school population. With high statistical power afforded through the sample size, it is possible tube confident in the results. However, research studies are required that adopt a similar design but that are carried out now that the National Curriculum is an established format of educational provision within primary schools. Studies are also required that examine more dimensions of social class than the ‘outdated’ paternal occupation, and free school meals eligibility. In 1998, the Qualifications and Curriculum Authority introduced a National Framework for Baseline Assessment for all pupils at the start of their school careers. The baseline assessment is a structured series of questions designed to assess pupils’ English ability, in terms of oral, reading and writing ability. In addition, early mathematical understanding is measured through a series of questions that require teachers to judge the ability of the child. Strand (1999) has studied the results of baseline testing of over 11,000 four year old children prior to their entry to primary school reception class. The data cover the period of 1993 to 1997, and are based at Wandsworth Local Education Authority in London. The results indicate that there are significant variations in baseline test score achievement based around a range of background factors such as age of child, gender, ethnicity and economic status. Measures of interest to the present literature review are length of preschool education by the pupil and entitlement to free school meals, which is the surrogate measure of social class used for baseline testing. Measures of attainment collected by the study were the LARR (Linguistic Awareness in Reading Readiness) test of emergent literacy and the teacher checklist described above. The results show statistically significant, strong correlations between school entrants on baseline measures and their subsequent overall Key Stage 1 achievement, in the region of 0.6 or above. Furthermore, the test battery are highly predictive of both English and Mathematics achievement in Key Stage 1 assessments in the individual subjects, with correlations in the region of 0.55 for mathematics, 0.55 for reading, and 0.49 for writing. The combination of the LARR objective measure of literacy, and the teacher checklist, together make the best overall indicator of later achievement for the children, compared to either test in isolation. Amount of preschool education received by children also significantly predicted Key Stage One achievement in all subjects. Furthermore, children in receipt of eligibility for free school meals were noted to score, on average, over five whole points less than their peers on baseline tests. Their mean scores were 29.7 (SD 11.4) compared to 34.9 (SD 12.2) for non-entitled children (p 20). In a further study, Strand (1997) tracked the educational progress of1669 Wands worth school children who had completed baseline assessments during 1992 and 1993. He considered the important of school effects, which is importance to social class considerations in the sense that schools are located in specific catchment areas that can be defined according the level of deprivation in the local community. The same assessment materials were used for this study as in Strand (1999). The pattern of achievement described for children eligible for free school meals at school entry was one where they started below other peers, in terms of baseline testing, and gradually fell further behind as time went by; as reflected in their Key Stage One performance (p 479). Composite measure of school effects of child performance at Key Stage One was taken to comprise of seven factors including gender ratio of school population, proportion of pupils with eligibility for free school meals and percentage of bilingual school pupils. Strand (1997)found that where there was a high rate of free school meal eligibility, this was one of the statistically significant factors, along with gender ratio and proportion of ESL pupils in school composite effects. â€Å"These compositional effects are significant even after each individual pupils baseline scores, sex, FSM entitlement and ESL background have been taken into account† (Strand, 1997, p 479). This means that school performance as a whole, as well as individual pupil progress, would appear to be associated with the proportion of free school meal claimants in the school population. Indeed, â€Å"It can be hypothesised that schools with a low proportion of socially disadvantaged pupils may have some benefits associated with their context: they may receive greater help from parents, have fewer disciplinary problems or an atmosphere more conducive to learning† (p 485). Buchanan-Barrow and Barratt (1998) have considered how young children understand school, and how this is affected by socio-economic factors, along with gender and birth-order. They suggest, â€Å"The school constitutes, in microcosm, a multifaceted and multi-layered society with an extensive and complex system†¦in order to operate successfully in this system, the young pupil needs to acquire an understanding of the connections between such important system-concepts as rules, roles, power and community† (p 250). A total of 112 children were included in the study from the age of 5 and upwards, at two primary schools in London. The first school had a free school meal ratio of 3% and was therefore broadly classified as a middle class school. The second school had a much higher free school meal ratio of 49% and the intake population was largely working class. Parents and teachers completed questionnaires, and the children were interviewed about their understanding of the power structure in the school, and their attitudes towards their school. In general, young children had the most positive attitudes towards school of all children studied. Furthermore, there were no differences in the attitudes towards school by socio-economic class, but there was a significant correlation between child and parental views on the school. The importance of the head-teacher in the power structure was evident in the responses of all children, butane understanding of the purpose of the class teachers was patchy until the middle primary years. The researchers closely examined the responses of the children at both schools for social class effects on comprehension and understanding of the school. At the middle-class school, the responses of the children followed general age trend patterns where children’s knowledge and understanding increased with years. However, for the working-class school, the pattern of responses were more complicated. Children were much less likely to discuss the role of parents, and children in the organisation and function of school compared to children at the other school. This suggests that children are not feeling ‘included’ in school, with a strong sense of membership that children often report at the middle class school (p263). Examination of parental responses to the questionnaire revealed broadly similar responses between schools, but working class parents reported feeling more welcome at the school than middle class parents. As Buchanan-Barrow and Barratt (1998) have suggested, â€Å"Since middleclass parents are likely to be readier to take issue, more assured of their ability to achieve their aims and better equipped to make their feelings known, it might be expected that the staff might be more wary of their interventions and less warm in their welcome. On the other hand, working class parents, without the same sense of empowerment, maybe seen as less threatening† (p 263). This is an important study in that it reveals age-trends in children’s understanding of school, and their place within the power structure and function of the school. According to Piaget cognitive theory, age-related differences in understanding are to be expected, as a combination of increased cognitive abilities with age. However, constructivism alone does not explain the individual differences in responses. The age related findings in the children’s responses may not be due to developmental changes in cognitive ability alone. In particular, social-interactional factors may have an important contribution to children’s understanding of the school, with parents, teachers and children’s interactions about the school being mediated by the age of the pupil. A social representation perspective would emphasise the individual differences in responses according to social class, gender and so forth (Elmer and Hana, 1993). However, this study showed that the acquisition of social knowledge and social understanding was more individual, than collective (p 265). Gallannaugh and Dyson (2003) have provided a useful detailed case study of how inclusive education can work at improving primary schoolchildren’s educational achievements. They collected data from one primary school (‘Broad mead’) in an urban area, primarily serving families of the local council housing estate where the eligibility for free school meals was above national averages. The school decided to address the specific issue of underachievement in writing ability during Key Stage assessments. The school had identified a group of middle ability school pupils who were failing to meet national expectations. School staff did not feel that poor teaching maybe the cause of the problem, and many teachers cited specific and concerted efforts by teachers to improve writing standards using a range of teaching strategies. However, â€Å"the school’s response to the problem was to problematize some of its existing practices. To some extent, this appeared to be a result of the realisation that customary practice simply did not ‘work’ in the sense that despite all efforts to hone teaching skills, the school had apparently reached a ceiling in attainment† (p 3). The school had moved towards a more experimental approach in the curriculum, and included new teaching strategies to help pupil learning such as thinking skills techniques. However, the actual underlying purpose of introducing a specific intervention was unclear, with more emphasis on anxiety about school performance compared to national standards, as opposed to inclusion for all. Nevertheless, it represented a departure from standard practice. Over the course of the project, the experience of implementing new approaches and of their impact on children’s learning led teachers to rethink their ideas about educational/ personal outcomes that are important to children. The original aim had been to improve achievement standards in writing, but the intervention had also appeared to impact on child self-esteem, learning in other subject areas, and educational confidence. The teachers reported that they valued these additional attainments in their own right amongst their pupils. Teachers had identified that the children had very limited learning techniques and strategies, and had therefore decided to focus on teaching children how to learn, in parallel to the curriculum subjects. When the research team interviewed teachers about why they felt their pupils had struggled in writing skills, it was generally felt that the critical barrier to raising all aspects of literacy was due to the fact that children entered school with very limited language skills that affected their access to most subjects. The head teacher felt that ‘catch up ‘once they started school was insufficient to counter the effects of poor literacy environment at home, and lack of family communication about education at home. This lack of preparation for school was complicated by local cultural factors such as socialisation of boys from working class households into the role of the ‘northern lad’ who was expected to behave stereotypically, and not necessarily express an interest in education. In summary, â€Å"some children came to school from families where education was not valued, with limited experiences, and(particularly in primary schools) limited language skills† (p 5). Gallannaugh and Dyson (2003) provide two competing perspectives on the work at Broad mead primary school. In one sense, teachers were willing to implement new teaching strategies as they had ‘internalised’ the demands of the national curriculum and school assessment system, but also the characteristics of working class children that make them deficit (p 7). This could be regarded as anti-inclusive practice since it aimed to socialise working class children into middle class ideals. However, an alternative perspective on the work at Broadmeadis that the school resisted the pressure and constraints of current educational policy, and found time to try out alternative learning strategies, which children self-reported as beneficial. Furthermore, teachers’ deficit view of the working class children was increasingly challenged as they were equipped with new skills to allow them to demonstrate their true abilities. Conclusion Recent Government policy has moved towards emphasising inclusive education, particularly in the early years. However, there is a danger that policy will remain mere ‘rhetoric’ unless there is evidence based research to provide teachers with practical skills to provide equality of opportunity for their pupils. Research studies have consistently shown that working class children are regarded as the ‘problem’ that must be adapted to the middle class educational environment of the infant school classroom. However, a social model of inclusive education that acknowledges individual difficulties in adaptation, as well as institutional barriers to learning maybe a more constructive approach. Teachers working within English schools are constrained in the classroom by their need to meet national curriculum requirements, and achieve required standards from their pupils. Conversely, teachers recognise that some children enter infant school poorly prepared forth demands of formal education through their home backgrounds, and require additional support. Implementation of special strategies to enhance the language, communication and thinking skills of children, such as at Broad mead school, maybe one solution. However, children of lower social class backgrounds may require long term intervention if ‘inclusive education’ is truly ‘inclusive’ throughout their school careers. This literature review has revealed the lack of research studies to support teachers’ implementation of effective strategies to promote learning amongst young children from deprived backgrounds. To date, research studies have concentrated on identifying the size of the discrepancy in performance between school pupils. The next step is to develop longitudinal, vigorous research programmes within English infant schools to inform evidence-based teaching practice. Furthermore, there is a need to explore the concept of social class, and how it affects young children, in more detail, and to understand how it interacts with other risk factors such as English as a second language. Sparks (1999) has shown that factors, such as social class, are associated with educational attainment, amongst young children. However, it is less clear about what aspects of social class are causal, and not merely correlated (p 10), and there is a need to investigate the specific aspects of social class that maybe associated/causing educational difficulties for children. References Barnes J, Balky J, Broomfield K, Sana D, Frost M, Melhuish E and the National Evaluation of the Sure Start Research Team (2005)Disadvantaged but different: variation among deprived communities in relation to child and family well-being. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry 46.9, pp. 952 – 962. Blanket D (1999) Excellence for the many, not just the few. CBI Presidential Address 19 July 1999 (DFEE, London). Buchanan-Burrow E and Barratt M (1998) Individual Differences in Children’s Understanding of the School. Social Development 7.2, pp250-268. Elmer N and Hana J (1993) Studying social representations in children: just old wine in new bottles? In G Break well and D Canter (ends)Empirical Approaches to Social Representatives (Oxford University Press, Oxford). Fiorina L, Rouse M, Black-Hawkins K and Jull S (2004) What can national data sets tell us about inclusion and pupil achievement. British Journal of Special Education 31.3, pp. 115 -121. Gallannaugh F and Dyson A (2003) Schools understanding of inclusion: issues in inclusion and social class. (British Educational Research Association Annual Conference, Edinburgh). Geertz S (2001) Cloning the Blair’s. Journal of Educational Policy 16.4, pp. 365-378. McCollum I (1993) Testing Seven Year Olds – performance and context. Population Advice Note, pp. 93-101 (London Research Centre, London) Reynolds D, Sammons P, Stoll P, Barber M and Hillman J (1996) School effectiveness and school improvement in the United Kingdom. School Effectiveness and School Improvement 7, pp. 133 – 158. Sammons P (1995) Gender, ethnic and socio-economic differences in attainment and progress: a longitudinal analysis of student achievement over 9 years. British Educational Research Journal 21.4, pp. 465-485. Sammons P and Sees R (1998) Measuring pupil progress at key stage one: using baseline assessment to investigate value added. School Leadership and Management 18.3, pp. 389 – 407. Sparks J (1999) Schools, Education and Social Exclusion. (Centre for Analysis of Social Exclusion, LSE, London). Stephen C and Cope P (2003) An Inclusive Perspective on Transition to Primary School. European Educational Research Journal 2.2, pp. 262 -275. Strand S (1997) Pupil Progress during Key Stage 1: A Value Added Analysis of School Effects. British Educational Research Journal 23.4,pp 471 – 487. Strand S (1999) Baseline assessment results at age 4: associations with pupil background factors. Journal of Research in Reading 22.1, pp. 14-26. The Plowden Report (1967) Children and their Primary Schools. (HMSO: London) Thomas S (1995) Considering primary school effectiveness: an analysis of 1992 Key Stage 1 results. The Curriculum Journal 6, pp. 279 – 295. West A, Pennell H, West A and Travers T (1999) The financing of school based education. (Centre for Educational Research, London). Effect of Social Class on Children in the Educational System Effect of Social Class on Children in the Educational System Social class and how it affects children aged 7 years and below within the English educational system This report considers recent research evidence related to inclusive education, and equality of opportunity, in relation to social class and how it affects children aged 7 years and below within the English educational system. A definition of inclusive education relevant to early educational practice will be offered. A literature review will be undertaken, that will principally examine the size of the social class differences amongst young children, and will go on to consider a case study of inclusive practice that was implemented at one English primary school. Recommendations for future research are made. Introduction Since the publication of the Plowden Report in 1967, it has been apparent that social class has a profound effect on the educational achievement of primary school children. In the past two decades, there have been a number of specific legislative changes that have altered the shape of primary school education. With the Education Reform Act(1988), schools have been required to undertake standardised testing of7 year old children in English, Mathematics and Science subjects. Furthermore, schools have been required to publish controversial ‘league tables’ of performance, alongside national averages, in their school prospectus publications. There have been several policies introduced to reduce the effects of deprivation on young children including Sure Start, and a planned widening of availability of nursery education all in the name of ‘inclusive education’ (Barnes, Belsky,Broomfield, Dave et al, 2004, p 46-9). Indeed, Geertz (2001) has argued that New Labour policy makers strive to â€Å"make all families like middle-class families, or at least the ideal-typical middle class family of much educational research† (p 7). However, there is surprisingly little empirical research evidence available on inclusive education, or equality of opportunity in early educational settings, with most studies focussing on secondary school children. This is also regrettable since Sammons and Sees (1998) have clearly shown that at the age of seven, prior attainment accounts for 26-43% of variance in national assessment results (p 389 – 407). Therefore, early teaching support of children with special educational needs, or affected by poverty or difficult personal circumstances would appear to be of immense importance to prevent children who start school behind their peers from falling further behind as their school careers progress. This report will critically assess available empirical studies related to the education of children aged 7 years and below within the United Kingdom. Furthermore, it will examine theoretical and philosophical perspectives on early inclusive education, and make recommendations for further research. Method The search strategy employed for the literature review involved searching electronic bibliographical databases for relevant research and policy papers related to the topic of inclusive education, and equality of opportunity, and social class issues with English school pupils aged 7 and under. No date restrictions were imposed on the searches, although most papers that were located and subsequently considered in this literature review were published in the 1990’s and2000’s. The electronic bibliographical databases that were searched were ERIC, the British Education Index and Psych Lit. Abstracts for each paper were inspected on an individual basis to assess their relevance to the literature review. Research papers within the terms of the literature review were then obtained from various library sources. However, it was felt that much of the research on early inclusive education would be found in the grey literature. Therefore, the Education Line database of conference proceedings, provided by Leeds University, was also searched for relevant papers. Finally, a search of the websites of highly regarded academic educational research centres, and government official statistics, was undertaken and further relevant research reports were obtained this way. Literature Review Although ‘inclusive education’ has been the buzz word of the education sector for many years, there is a lack of clarity in its definition. It broadly includes reference to a schools receptivity to accommodate the needs of all its pupils, and be â€Å"more responsive to pupil diversity†(Fiorina, Rouse, Black-Hawkins and Jull (2004), p 118). Furthermore, Fiorina et al (2004) have argued that inclusion and achieving high standards are not necessarily mutually exclusive goals, with some schools achieving both (p 115). Stephen and Cope (2003) have further elaborated on the interpretation of inclusive education, drawing distinction between the individual model where the deprived pupil is seen as ‘the problem’ (p 274) to be moulded into the school system, towards a social model of inclusive education. The social model acknowledges that there may be individual characteristics of the child that need to be considered, but also consider the possible institutional and operational barriers that hinder children’s entry and integration into infant schools. In their study, children from middleclass homes were supported by parents when they started infant schoolboy practising numeracy and literacy at home, and through more proactive involvement in school activities (p 273). Gallannaugh and Dyson (2003) have conducted a study of 25 practitioners working in three English LEA’s to assess what ‘inclusive education ‘development was possible in schools, and make sense of school responses to the inclusion agenda. Some teachers reported confusion over what ‘inclusive education’ was, since many official sources of information focussed on inclusion of children with special educational needs only(p 1). However, most teachers saw ‘inclusive education’ as provision for all children who were at risk of underachieving within the educational system, a version of inclusive education that is compatible with New Labour’s ‘social inclusion’ agenda ensuring that all members of society participate in the opportunities and activities of mainstream society (Blanket, 1999). A definition of inclusive education that attracted consensus amongst the teachers was â€Å"a set of broad values which we understood to be inclusive, and which we articulated as a commitment to equality, and increasing participation of all children (rather than one or other marginalised groups) in common education† (p 2). In synthesising research papers on social class related to early education, it is apparent that the term ‘social class’ has been interpreted in different ways by different authors. Sammons (1995) has highlighted that some researchers have attempted to â€Å"identify and separate the effects of different combinations of disadvantaging factors, noting that whilst not additive there is evidence of cumulative disadvantage (i.e. experiencing one factor such as low social class or low income on its own is less closely associated with low attainment than experiencing both these factors)† (p 467). Furthermore, Sparks (1999) has classified the different interpretations as including children from low income households, parental unemployment, paternal/ maternal occupation and inappropriate housing environment (p 10). She has examined research studies that look at each of these aspects, but only a few studies specifically examine the age range of 0 to 7 years. Pupils coming from a low income household, as indicated by eligibility for free school meals, appears to have marked effect on educational achievement at the age of 7 years and above (p 14). Furthermore, West, Pennell, West and Travers (1999) have shown that receipt of income support benefit by the household accounted for 66% of variance in educational achievement at a local authority level (p 10). Sparks (1999) has stated that â€Å"non-school factors are a more important source of variation in educational achievement than differences in the quality of education that students receive† (p 9).However, there is a broad consensus that schools can counteract some of the effects of social deprivation through inclusive educational practice. Indeed, empirical evidence suggests that schools have an independent effect of between 8% and 15%, and school effects are greater within the primary school sector (Reynolds, Sammons, Stoll, Barber et al, 1996 (p 140)). In the UK, research evidence on the effects of pre-school education are mixed (Sparks, 1999, p 12). However, research studies have indicated that when children receiving nursery education are compared to those receiving no nursery education, pre-school experience has a positive impact on achievement in national assessment tests at the age of seven (Sammons and Sees, 1998, p 400).However, poor families may not have access to quality services in areas where demand for nursery services is high. Middle class families, however, may have the advantage in that they can turn to the private sector provision where necessary. Smaller studies have shown an association between social class and early pupil attainment. However, stronger evidence is supplied by McCullum (1993) who compared aggregated Key Stage One results for local education authorities in England, against measures of social class obtained from the 1991 Social Census. This study clearly showed that social class, as evidenced through the number of social class 1 and 2individuals in the local population, showed a statistically significant and positive relationship with the Local Education Authority’s Key Stage One test scores, across all LEA’s sampled (p 95). Furthermore, Thomas (1995) has also shown how free school meal entitlement, and special educational needs, were strongly correlated with performance at Key Stage One (p 280). More recently, Sammons (1995) has studied 2000primary school children longitudinally at 50 ethnically diverse inner-city schools over a 9 year period. The children were monitored from the ages of 7 to 10 years. For the purpose of this report the results will be reported for the youngest of the cohort. The main purpose of the study was to assess primary schools effectiveness at developing cognitive and non-cognitive educational outcomes amongst children. Detailed records were kept on every child’s background characteristics such as ethnicity, socio-economic status and gender. For the purpose of the study, social class was measured as father’s occupation, and eligibility for free school meals. There were statistically significant differences in absolute attainment at ages 7, and above (p 479), with the biggest effect being in reading rather than mathematics performance. At 7 years, receiving free school meals accounted for just over 7% of variance in reading test performance, while having father working in an semi or unskilled profession accounted for 14.5%of variance, and having a father who was unemployed accounted for8.35%. However, for mathematics test performance, free school meals accounted for just 1.3% of variance, and having a father in a semi/unskilled profession accounted for 4.22% of variance while having father who was unemployed at the time of the study accounted for 2.57%of variance (p 471). This study was based on pupils attending primary schools in the decade of the 1980’s, and prior to the onset of the National Curriculum. It is the only longitudinal study of its kind that has been published using a British school population. With high statistical power afforded through the sample size, it is possible tube confident in the results. However, research studies are required that adopt a similar design but that are carried out now that the National Curriculum is an established format of educational provision within primary schools. Studies are also required that examine more dimensions of social class than the ‘outdated’ paternal occupation, and free school meals eligibility. In 1998, the Qualifications and Curriculum Authority introduced a National Framework for Baseline Assessment for all pupils at the start of their school careers. The baseline assessment is a structured series of questions designed to assess pupils’ English ability, in terms of oral, reading and writing ability. In addition, early mathematical understanding is measured through a series of questions that require teachers to judge the ability of the child. Strand (1999) has studied the results of baseline testing of over 11,000 four year old children prior to their entry to primary school reception class. The data cover the period of 1993 to 1997, and are based at Wandsworth Local Education Authority in London. The results indicate that there are significant variations in baseline test score achievement based around a range of background factors such as age of child, gender, ethnicity and economic status. Measures of interest to the present literature review are length of preschool education by the pupil and entitlement to free school meals, which is the surrogate measure of social class used for baseline testing. Measures of attainment collected by the study were the LARR (Linguistic Awareness in Reading Readiness) test of emergent literacy and the teacher checklist described above. The results show statistically significant, strong correlations between school entrants on baseline measures and their subsequent overall Key Stage 1 achievement, in the region of 0.6 or above. Furthermore, the test battery are highly predictive of both English and Mathematics achievement in Key Stage 1 assessments in the individual subjects, with correlations in the region of 0.55 for mathematics, 0.55 for reading, and 0.49 for writing. The combination of the LARR objective measure of literacy, and the teacher checklist, together make the best overall indicator of later achievement for the children, compared to either test in isolation. Amount of preschool education received by children also significantly predicted Key Stage One achievement in all subjects. Furthermore, children in receipt of eligibility for free school meals were noted to score, on average, over five whole points less than their peers on baseline tests. Their mean scores were 29.7 (SD 11.4) compared to 34.9 (SD 12.2) for non-entitled children (p 20). In a further study, Strand (1997) tracked the educational progress of1669 Wands worth school children who had completed baseline assessments during 1992 and 1993. He considered the important of school effects, which is importance to social class considerations in the sense that schools are located in specific catchment areas that can be defined according the level of deprivation in the local community. The same assessment materials were used for this study as in Strand (1999). The pattern of achievement described for children eligible for free school meals at school entry was one where they started below other peers, in terms of baseline testing, and gradually fell further behind as time went by; as reflected in their Key Stage One performance (p 479). Composite measure of school effects of child performance at Key Stage One was taken to comprise of seven factors including gender ratio of school population, proportion of pupils with eligibility for free school meals and percentage of bilingual school pupils. Strand (1997)found that where there was a high rate of free school meal eligibility, this was one of the statistically significant factors, along with gender ratio and proportion of ESL pupils in school composite effects. â€Å"These compositional effects are significant even after each individual pupils baseline scores, sex, FSM entitlement and ESL background have been taken into account† (Strand, 1997, p 479). This means that school performance as a whole, as well as individual pupil progress, would appear to be associated with the proportion of free school meal claimants in the school population. Indeed, â€Å"It can be hypothesised that schools with a low proportion of socially disadvantaged pupils may have some benefits associated with their context: they may receive greater help from parents, have fewer disciplinary problems or an atmosphere more conducive to learning† (p 485). Buchanan-Barrow and Barratt (1998) have considered how young children understand school, and how this is affected by socio-economic factors, along with gender and birth-order. They suggest, â€Å"The school constitutes, in microcosm, a multifaceted and multi-layered society with an extensive and complex system†¦in order to operate successfully in this system, the young pupil needs to acquire an understanding of the connections between such important system-concepts as rules, roles, power and community† (p 250). A total of 112 children were included in the study from the age of 5 and upwards, at two primary schools in London. The first school had a free school meal ratio of 3% and was therefore broadly classified as a middle class school. The second school had a much higher free school meal ratio of 49% and the intake population was largely working class. Parents and teachers completed questionnaires, and the children were interviewed about their understanding of the power structure in the school, and their attitudes towards their school. In general, young children had the most positive attitudes towards school of all children studied. Furthermore, there were no differences in the attitudes towards school by socio-economic class, but there was a significant correlation between child and parental views on the school. The importance of the head-teacher in the power structure was evident in the responses of all children, butane understanding of the purpose of the class teachers was patchy until the middle primary years. The researchers closely examined the responses of the children at both schools for social class effects on comprehension and understanding of the school. At the middle-class school, the responses of the children followed general age trend patterns where children’s knowledge and understanding increased with years. However, for the working-class school, the pattern of responses were more complicated. Children were much less likely to discuss the role of parents, and children in the organisation and function of school compared to children at the other school. This suggests that children are not feeling ‘included’ in school, with a strong sense of membership that children often report at the middle class school (p263). Examination of parental responses to the questionnaire revealed broadly similar responses between schools, but working class parents reported feeling more welcome at the school than middle class parents. As Buchanan-Barrow and Barratt (1998) have suggested, â€Å"Since middleclass parents are likely to be readier to take issue, more assured of their ability to achieve their aims and better equipped to make their feelings known, it might be expected that the staff might be more wary of their interventions and less warm in their welcome. On the other hand, working class parents, without the same sense of empowerment, maybe seen as less threatening† (p 263). This is an important study in that it reveals age-trends in children’s understanding of school, and their place within the power structure and function of the school. According to Piaget cognitive theory, age-related differences in understanding are to be expected, as a combination of increased cognitive abilities with age. However, constructivism alone does not explain the individual differences in responses. The age related findings in the children’s responses may not be due to developmental changes in cognitive ability alone. In particular, social-interactional factors may have an important contribution to children’s understanding of the school, with parents, teachers and children’s interactions about the school being mediated by the age of the pupil. A social representation perspective would emphasise the individual differences in responses according to social class, gender and so forth (Elmer and Hana, 1993). However, this study showed that the acquisition of social knowledge and social understanding was more individual, than collective (p 265). Gallannaugh and Dyson (2003) have provided a useful detailed case study of how inclusive education can work at improving primary schoolchildren’s educational achievements. They collected data from one primary school (‘Broad mead’) in an urban area, primarily serving families of the local council housing estate where the eligibility for free school meals was above national averages. The school decided to address the specific issue of underachievement in writing ability during Key Stage assessments. The school had identified a group of middle ability school pupils who were failing to meet national expectations. School staff did not feel that poor teaching maybe the cause of the problem, and many teachers cited specific and concerted efforts by teachers to improve writing standards using a range of teaching strategies. However, â€Å"the school’s response to the problem was to problematize some of its existing practices. To some extent, this appeared to be a result of the realisation that customary practice simply did not ‘work’ in the sense that despite all efforts to hone teaching skills, the school had apparently reached a ceiling in attainment† (p 3). The school had moved towards a more experimental approach in the curriculum, and included new teaching strategies to help pupil learning such as thinking skills techniques. However, the actual underlying purpose of introducing a specific intervention was unclear, with more emphasis on anxiety about school performance compared to national standards, as opposed to inclusion for all. Nevertheless, it represented a departure from standard practice. Over the course of the project, the experience of implementing new approaches and of their impact on children’s learning led teachers to rethink their ideas about educational/ personal outcomes that are important to children. The original aim had been to improve achievement standards in writing, but the intervention had also appeared to impact on child self-esteem, learning in other subject areas, and educational confidence. The teachers reported that they valued these additional attainments in their own right amongst their pupils. Teachers had identified that the children had very limited learning techniques and strategies, and had therefore decided to focus on teaching children how to learn, in parallel to the curriculum subjects. When the research team interviewed teachers about why they felt their pupils had struggled in writing skills, it was generally felt that the critical barrier to raising all aspects of literacy was due to the fact that children entered school with very limited language skills that affected their access to most subjects. The head teacher felt that ‘catch up ‘once they started school was insufficient to counter the effects of poor literacy environment at home, and lack of family communication about education at home. This lack of preparation for school was complicated by local cultural factors such as socialisation of boys from working class households into the role of the ‘northern lad’ who was expected to behave stereotypically, and not necessarily express an interest in education. In summary, â€Å"some children came to school from families where education was not valued, with limited experiences, and(particularly in primary schools) limited language skills† (p 5). Gallannaugh and Dyson (2003) provide two competing perspectives on the work at Broad mead primary school. In one sense, teachers were willing to implement new teaching strategies as they had ‘internalised’ the demands of the national curriculum and school assessment system, but also the characteristics of working class children that make them deficit (p 7). This could be regarded as anti-inclusive practice since it aimed to socialise working class children into middle class ideals. However, an alternative perspective on the work at Broadmeadis that the school resisted the pressure and constraints of current educational policy, and found time to try out alternative learning strategies, which children self-reported as beneficial. Furthermore, teachers’ deficit view of the working class children was increasingly challenged as they were equipped with new skills to allow them to demonstrate their true abilities. Conclusion Recent Government policy has moved towards emphasising inclusive education, particularly in the early years. However, there is a danger that policy will remain mere ‘rhetoric’ unless there is evidence based research to provide teachers with practical skills to provide equality of opportunity for their pupils. Research studies have consistently shown that working class children are regarded as the ‘problem’ that must be adapted to the middle class educational environment of the infant school classroom. However, a social model of inclusive education that acknowledges individual difficulties in adaptation, as well as institutional barriers to learning maybe a more constructive approach. Teachers working within English schools are constrained in the classroom by their need to meet national curriculum requirements, and achieve required standards from their pupils. Conversely, teachers recognise that some children enter infant school poorly prepared forth demands of formal education through their home backgrounds, and require additional support. Implementation of special strategies to enhance the language, communication and thinking skills of children, such as at Broad mead school, maybe one solution. However, children of lower social class backgrounds may require long term intervention if ‘inclusive education’ is truly ‘inclusive’ throughout their school careers. This literature review has revealed the lack of research studies to support teachers’ implementation of effective strategies to promote learning amongst young children from deprived backgrounds. To date, research studies have concentrated on identifying the size of the discrepancy in performance between school pupils. The next step is to develop longitudinal, vigorous research programmes within English infant schools to inform evidence-based teaching practice. Furthermore, there is a need to explore the concept of social class, and how it affects young children, in more detail, and to understand how it interacts with other risk factors such as English as a second language. Sparks (1999) has shown that factors, such as social class, are associated with educational attainment, amongst young children. However, it is less clear about what aspects of social class are causal, and not merely correlated (p 10), and there is a need to investigate the specific aspects of social class that maybe associated/causing educational difficulties for children. References Barnes J, Balky J, Broomfield K, Sana D, Frost M, Melhuish E and the National Evaluation of the Sure Start Research Team (2005)Disadvantaged but different: variation among deprived communities in relation to child and family well-being. Journal of Child Psychology and Psychiatry 46.9, pp. 952 – 962. Blanket D (1999) Excellence for the many, not just the few. CBI Presidential Address 19 July 1999 (DFEE, London). Buchanan-Burrow E and Barratt M (1998) Individual Differences in Children’s Understanding of the School. Social Development 7.2, pp250-268. Elmer N and Hana J (1993) Studying social representations in children: just old wine in new bottles? In G Break well and D Canter (ends)Empirical Approaches to Social Representatives (Oxford University Press, Oxford). Fiorina L, Rouse M, Black-Hawkins K and Jull S (2004) What can national data sets tell us about inclusion and pupil achievement. British Journal of Special Education 31.3, pp. 115 -121. Gallannaugh F and Dyson A (2003) Schools understanding of inclusion: issues in inclusion and social class. (British Educational Research Association Annual Conference, Edinburgh). Geertz S (2001) Cloning the Blair’s. Journal of Educational Policy 16.4, pp. 365-378. McCollum I (1993) Testing Seven Year Olds – performance and context. Population Advice Note, pp. 93-101 (London Research Centre, London) Reynolds D, Sammons P, Stoll P, Barber M and Hillman J (1996) School effectiveness and school improvement in the United Kingdom. School Effectiveness and School Improvement 7, pp. 133 – 158. Sammons P (1995) Gender, ethnic and socio-economic differences in attainment and progress: a longitudinal analysis of student achievement over 9 years. British Educational Research Journal 21.4, pp. 465-485. Sammons P and Sees R (1998) Measuring pupil progress at key stage one: using baseline assessment to investigate value added. School Leadership and Management 18.3, pp. 389 – 407. Sparks J (1999) Schools, Education and Social Exclusion. (Centre for Analysis of Social Exclusion, LSE, London). Stephen C and Cope P (2003) An Inclusive Perspective on Transition to Primary School. European Educational Research Journal 2.2, pp. 262 -275. Strand S (1997) Pupil Progress during Key Stage 1: A Value Added Analysis of School Effects. British Educational Research Journal 23.4,pp 471 – 487. Strand S (1999) Baseline assessment results at age 4: associations with pupil background factors. Journal of Research in Reading 22.1, pp. 14-26. The Plowden Report (1967) Children and their Primary Schools. (HMSO: London) Thomas S (1995) Considering primary school effectiveness: an analysis of 1992 Key Stage 1 results. The Curriculum Journal 6, pp. 279 – 295. West A, Pennell H, West A and Travers T (1999) The financing of school based education. (Centre for Educational Research, London).

Autoparasitoid Wasps Essay -- Biology Encarsia Pergandiella Parasite

A parasite lives in a close relationship with another organism, its host, and causes it harm. The parasite is dependent on its host for its life functions. For example, viruses are common parasites. The parasite has to be in its host to live, grow, and multiply. Parasites rarely kill their hosts. A common, well-known type of a parasite is a hookworm. It is possible for humans or their pets to get them. Hookworms attach themselves in the lining of the small intestine, and cause diseases, and malnutrition as well, as they eat the nutrients and keep them from going to the host. Here, we'll be talking about a different type of parasite, called a parasitoid. The parasitoid Encarsia pergandiella is a tiny wasp that lays its eggs in developing whiteflies. The wasp larva eventually kills the whitefly, and then emerges as free-living adults. This is why it is said that the wasps are parasitic. If you have ever seen Aliens, the developing aliens are parasitoids. Parasitods are different from normal parasites because they kill their hosts when they develop. Encarsia pergandiella develops in a strange way. Unlike most parasitoid species, they are autoparasitoids. This means females develop on whitefly immatures and males develop on immature parasitoids. This means males are parasitoids of other parasitoids, including females of their own species! The fertilization process is a female decision. The female stores the male sperm for later fertilization of eggs. All bees and wasps, including parasitoid wasps are haplodiploid. This means not all eggs have to be fertilized to develop. Unfertilized eggs become males, which are haploid. Fertilized eggs become female, and are diploid. In autopara... ...romosome carried by the males was killing the whole male set of chromosomes, leaving only one set of female chromosomes along with this extra chromosome, which becomes a male haploid wasp. This PSR chromosome is also called a supernumerary chromosome in the nuclei. In the study of Encarsia pergandiella, male wasps were also found to come from fertilized eggs that had been placed on the whitefly host and it was found that, similar to N. vitripennis, the entire paternal set of chromosomes was being lost. It was thought that perhaps an extra chromosome, such as the PSR chromosome, was also being carried in them. However, after further study a supernumerary chromosome was not found. The casue of genome loss in E. pergandiella is still a mystery. Perhaps the male set of chromosomes were being killed by another source, such as a virus or transposable element.

Internet - Ethics of Publicizing Security Vulnerabilities :: Free Essays Online

The Ethics of Publicizing Security Vulnerabilities   Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚     Ã‚   Abstract:   In 1988, Robert T. Morris Jr. released the Internet Worm Virus, which essentially shut down the entire internet for a day.   Morris wrote the virus using known vulnerabilities in the UNIX operating system.   When these vulnerabilities are discovered, should they be publicized or kept secret to prevent further attacks?   These issues relate closely to the concepts of open source versus proprietary software development.    In 1988, Robert T. Morris Jr., a Cornell graduate student, released a computer virus.   The goal of this virus was to propagate itself across the Internet and to infect as many machines as possible in as little time as possible.   The Internet Worm, as it came to be known, was very successful; it infected millions upon millions of machines and essentially shut down the entire Internet for roughly twenty four hours. As a result of his creation and release of the Internet Worm, Robert Morris spent years in courts and paid significant amounts of money in lawyer and court fees, but never went to prison for his actions.   The Internet Worm case brings up an extremely important issue that increases in importance each year as the world becomes increasingly networked via the internet and through other means; should people have access to information about vulnerabilities in computer systems, or should these vulnerabilities remain secret?      Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚  Ã‚   At the time that Robert Morris wrote the Internet Worm, there were known vulnerabilities in the UNIX Operating System's Finger command, and in the Sendmail Daemon, the program responsible for transmitting electronic mail from one machine to another.   Anyone who had some amount of expertise in the UNIX Operating System knew of these weaknesses, yet no one had made an attempt to fix the problem.   Robert Morris apparently viewed this situation as a matter that needed attention, which many people speculate as his reason for creating the Internet Worm.   His ingenious virus used these vulnerabilities to attack systems and to propagate itself across the internet.   One fact is definitely known.   This is the fact that the Internet Worm gave many thousands of computer experts a strong reason to fix these vulnerabilities.    It is necessary to realize one important fact about the internet worm virus; it was not totally malicious.   That is, Morris did not write the virus so that it would try to do any damage to the hardware or software of the machines it infected.

Conscience vs. Society

Conscience vs. Society Conscience and society are often in conflict with one another. Your culture and the people around you may be telling you to do one thing, while in your heart; you feel that a different way is the way to go. This is exactly what happens in Sophocles’ play Antigone. Ismene, Haimon, and Creon all have a difficult time choosing between following what their conscience is saying and what society thinks, which leads to conflict between the characters. Ismene faces this conflict of conscience vs. society when deciding whether to help Antigone bury Polyneices or not.When Antigone asks her if she is going to bury him with her, and if she even cares about her brothers, Ismene says â€Å"They mean a great deal to me; but I have no strength to break laws that were made for the public good. † (Prologue, 62-63) Ismene wants Polyneices to have a proper burial as much as Antigone does, but she does not feel that it is worth the risk of her own death. She has to ch oose between risking her life to bury her brother, or living with the guilt of Polneices never being fully put to rest. This leads to conflict between her and Antigone because she feels abandoned by her sisters’ choice to not help her.Haimon faces the problem of conflict vs. society when he talks to his father, Creon. After Creon sentences Antigone to death for breaking his law about burying Polyneices, Haimon says; â€Å"For me your judgments and the ways you act on them are good. I shall follow them†¦ don’t let you mind dwell on just one thought, that what you say is right and nothing else. † (Scene 3, 720-21 and 799-800) At first, Haimon is saying that he will follow and agree to anything his father does or says; but then, he goes on to say that his judgments may not be correct and that he should stay more open-minded on his decision.At first, Haimon starts by saying what his father would want him to say, but then changes his mind and speaks of what he k nows is right. This leads to conflict between his father and him because he is not just saying what his father wants to hear anymore. Finally, Creon faces this conflict after Teiresias shares his prophecy. When he tells Creon of his fate if he does not bury Polyneices and free Antigone, he faces a hard decision: â€Å"It’s dreadful to give way, but to resist and let destruction hammer down my spirit, – that is a fearful option too. (Scene 5, 1225-27) He has to choose between what everyone (even the gods) wants to happen, which is to let Antigone go and give her brother a proper burial, and what he thinks is right, which is to kill Antigone off and let Polyneices rot on the battlefield. This is the first time in the play he actually listens to reason, even if it is for his own benefit. This leads to conflict within himself. The characters in this play go through many conflicts, a lot of which have to do with choosing between what society thinks and what that character thinks.Ismene has to choose between following the law and breaking it to bury her brother, Haimon has to choose between following his father or going against him for the woman he loves, and Creon must choose between letting Antigone die and Polyneices stay unburied or burying him and letting Antigone go. This all leads to conflict between the characters and themselves. The concept of conscience vs. society is nothing new and will continue to be a point of conflict in peoples’ lives until the day they die.

Cadbury channels Essay

1. Claremont Tasmania – At this site Cadbury manufacture boxed chocolate assortments, moulded chocolate blocks, chocolate confectionery bars and food drinks for the retail and industrial markets. 2. Ringwood Victoria – At this site Cadbury manufacture confectionery bars and bar pieces, filled and hollow chocolate novelty units for children and the Easter and Christmas events as well as a range of industrial chocolates and compounded chocolate. 3. Scoresby Victoria – At this site Cadbury manufacture a range of sugar and caramel based confectionery and licorice product for both the retail trade and industrial customer.  ¡ The Cadbury brand has also been licensed to other selected food manufacturers who produce and distribute their range of Cadbury products, notably ice cream. These licencees are responsible for their own Covenant Action Plans.  ¡ Cadbury does not sell their goods directly to the final user; between them  stands a set of intermediaries performing a variety of functions  ¡ Service establishments in particular supermarkets, convenience stores, deli’s, petrol stations etc are highly involved marketing and distribution channels as this is where the target market exists. With these establishments, Cadbury products are made widely available and accessible to the main target markets  ¡ Marketing channel performs the work of moving goods of producers to consumers (see figure)  ¡ A manufacturer selling a physical product and services might require three channels: sales, delivery and service  ¡ Cadbury use Sales Managers and Reps as sales channels, telephone, email and face to face as delivery channels and again Reps and Merchandisers for the setting up and display of products and promotions as service channels (with regards to the supermarkets)  ¡ Wholesalers are a vital part of the supply chain for independent outlets and eventually the consumer.  ¡ Cadbury uses intensive distribution method, as it attempts to place its products in as many establishments as possible. Factors that influence the design and management of marketing channels  ¡ Consumers are motivated by the presence of brands, they expect to see them and want to buy them  ¡ Cadbury products are primarily available in supermarkets and convenience stores and display remains one of the key areas for development not only within these to channels, but also independent retail  ¡ Confectionery requires a great deal of consideration when optimising  displays so Cadbury has created the ‘Go Another Cadbury’ bespoke display solution to address merchandising opportunities in the impulse trade channel.  ¡ Cadbury studies, in recent years, show that the confectionery industry has shown the effects of an increasing move by consumers towards convenience shopping  ¡ Convenience shopping is being able to convert customer footfall into purchases. This can be achieved by ensuring confectionery is placed in high traffic flow locations, combined with displaying with other products, such as newspapers and magazines in addition to hot-spots at the till point  ¡ Displays which have impact supported by effective point of sale and clear signage all influence impulse buys  ¡ Within the convenience channel, forecourts play an important role and Cadbury confectionery continues to be a valuable category  ¡ With the advent now of Cadbury vending, innovation is now at the forefront of its business drive and is directly working with machine manufacturers to create new vending options  ¡ The development of multi-channel machines has provided vending operators (pubs, TAB’s, Universities etc) to take advantage of the growing need for snacking solutions  ¡ The latest Cadbury automates machines can sell confectionery, salty snack and chilled drinks, making them ideal for almost every foodservice environment Channel conflict and how it can be resolved  ¡ Cadbury could be affected by vertical channel conflict and horizontal channel conflict  ¡ Vertical channel conflict arises when a disagreement occurs between different levels within the same channel. For example, this could arise if Cadbury came into conflict with its retailers, who agree to sell just Cadbury products, but in fact are also selling rival competitors products  ¡ Horizontal channel conflict involves conflict between members at the same level within the channel. For instance, this may occur when separate petrol stations sell Cadbury products at different price, benefiting one above the other  ¡ Channel conflict can be constructive but too much is dysfunctional  ¡ The challenge is not to eliminate conflict but manage it  ¡ The adoption of superordinate goals (come to an agreement), exchange persons between to more channel levels (appreciate other’s point of view), or co-optation (win support of the leader of another organisation) are ways of effective conflict management What role the Internet can play in helping to fulfil marketing channel requirements  ¡ Cadbury uses direct marketing channels as well as one-level channels and two-level channels  ¡ Their official website informs buyers about all of Cadbury’s products and services including information about products, recipes, health and nutrition, sponsorship, fundraising etc.  ¡ It can also provide a way for retailers and Cadbury to communicate with each other through email about future orders, upcoming promotions and any other relevant information  ¡ Cadbury uses the internet as a service and information channel, which allows it to describe the products in detail with the use of visual aids and  creating an effective communication channel in reaching its customers What role does relationship marketing plan in the Cadbury’s channel management  ¡ Company-client relationships is imperative with respect to product range, store locations of products and display space  ¡ Via the internet website, customers loyal to Cadbury can register and participate in games, downloads, design your own product, interact with Freddo, Caramello and yowie (targeted more for children), lodge customer complaints and also express interest for employment.  ¡ Through newsletters, public relations and sponsorship, which go along way in satisfying customers, Cadbury can continue to inform customers about their products together with upholding their tradition of making quality products

Airport Descriptive Essay

Once inside security at the Las Vegas International Airport, one can watch the excited people getting ready to take that once in a lifetime trip. There is a continuous hum of happy chatter, luggage wheels softly rolling across the floor, and cell phones ringing. It’s late in the afternoon, which is a prime time to get through airport security. The lines are short and the TSA agents are proudly dressed wearing their newly dry cleaned cobalt blue uniforms. A meticulously sewn on patch with our Nation’s flag and a magnificent eagle catches my eye, displaying a proud workforce and a dutiful employee.Each uniform displays a shining gold badge that catches the light and the black cords from the walkie talkies hangs close by. There aren’t many people and the TSA agents are standing tall and are eager and delighted to help the next traveler safely pass through security. A mother and her child are happily placing their items in the taupe rubber-maid bin getting ready to s lide it down the black conveyor belt as an important looking business man casually waits behind them.The little boy was obviously dressed to see someone special and proudly sports an army green jacket and a blue and red striped shirt underneath, his pants are clean but you can tell they have been worn dozens of times and he has spent much time on his knees probably playing with his precious red race car he is now happily placing in the container which is now passing through the airport scanner. After obediently placing his items in the bin the little boy slowly but obviously thrilled walks through the big airport scanner grinning at the TSA agent ahead of him.He suddenly jumps enthusiastically as the scanner beeps and promptly turns around and his mom and the well-dressed business man both laugh and admire his energy. His mother starts examining his pockets for any stowaway metal objects. The escapee was found and the boy tries his chance with the big scanner again. This time he suc cessfully makes it through with his pleased mom right behind him. Elated the boy hurries over to examine his red racecar making sure it survived the expedition in the scanner. After carefully gathering their items the mom and her little boy set out to catch their flight.

Customers bank Essay

For Businesses to survive they need to rely on customers buying their goods or services sales can also come from other businesses or members of the public. 1) Goods are what are sold to the customer . For example businesses like wholesalers and retailers sell goods. Goods are tangible things, they are used up. Goods are made up of materials like woods, food and cotton. 2) Services Services are sold also but are not tangible, you can’t see them. A service is a skill which is provided in order to help the customer or business. Services include National Health, Banking, Teaching and the police. 3) Business to business Businesses can offer their goods and service to other business. For example an airline company will purchase the services of a catering company. They do this so they don’t waste time making their own food. 4) Business to customer Business also sell goods and services to customers or individuals. For example banks offer their financial services to individuals who need loans or advice. Sales Documents 1) Order received ( see example 5) This document is produced by the supplier and is sent to the customer. This is used to conform with the customer what they have ordered. Details like the product description and how many they require are written down. 2) Sales Invoice (see Example 6) This document is sent to the customer to tell them how much they owe. Its similar to the purchase invoice and includes things like VAT and discounts. Also it includes the description of the product. The sales invoice is different because its’s only issued when a good has been delivered and has not paid for unless the customer has paid immediately. Delivery Note (see Example 7) A delivery note is given to the customer when the goods are delivered. The documents tells you what has been delivered and how many has been delivered. Also on it is the customers address so its similar to the goods received note. This document is a security measure so the right goods end up in the right place. The delivery note is given to the driver of the truck who deliver the goods and is then passed on to the customer. Sales Credit Note (see Example 8) This document is used by the customer in the event of an error in the supplied goods. For example if you bought a pair of shoes returned home and found a tear in them you can ask for a refund or accept a sales Credit Note. This would allow you to return to the shop in the future and exchange the note for a good or goods of the same value. The credit note is issued by the supplier and is sent to the customer. Statement of Account ( see Example 9) A statement of account is sent by a supplier to a customer. It states all transactions made in the month by the customer, any money outstanding, the total amount of money due on each invoice and the total balance which has to be paid. Remittance Advice (see Example 10) A remittance advice slip will often accompany the statement of account form. It is sent with cheque by the customer. This slip helps the supplier accurately process the payment when it is received. The supplier issues the remittance advice slip and the customer makes use of it by matching it with the invoice or statement of account and then sends it back with the cheque or other payment, this makes it easier for the supplier to match up cheque to invoices When you pay for something in cash you need some sort of proof you’re bought it. The proof you need is to collect a receipt. This is needed if you want to make a refund or if you want to exchange your product for something else. The receipt is written proof of your purchase and should include the following:- The date, Receipt number, Name of company, Description of the product, Amount paid (inc. VAT). A copy of the receipt is kept by the payee for their records and to provide evidence of VAT for recording purposes. Cheque (see Example 12) When you pay for something by cheque the cheque the cheque itself is a proof of purchase so a receipt is not needed. The cheque is similar to the receipt and will include the date and the amount. But the cheque also has the name of the person you are paying. The cheque will then be taken by that person to their bank to be cashed. A cheque is a receipt because when you pay by cheque shows up on your bank statement which acts as a receipt. Paying-in slips (see Example 13) Paying-in slips are used to put money into a bank account. This slip has a detachable section which is given with the cash and cheque the bank who place the money into the account. Left over is a section which is stamped to show that the money will be credited to our your account. On the slip is the amount deposited, the date and the name of the bank. Paying in slips vary from bank to bank. Banking statement (see Example 14 ) If you have a bank account you will also have a Bank statements. These are used to tell how much you have in your account, how much money you deposited and how much you have withdrawn and to see how much you invest you have earned It also tells you where and when you took your money out. Bank statements are basically used to keep track of your money. Cash is the most common way to pay. Its comes in two forms, coins and banknotes. In addition to this there are different note and coins which represent different amounts. Banknotes and coins can be copied or forged so it is wise to check the notes are genuine. Credit Card. Credit Card are alternatives to cash or cheques. They can be used at home and abroad wherever they are accepted. Instead of handing over cash or a transaction voucher by the customer. This voucher is then sent to the bank, who then sent the customer a statement saying hour much they owe. The statement usually takes a long time to arrive so the cardholder has time to come up with the money they owe. This is the interest free period, but interest is changed if the account is not cleared in that period. Debit Card A Debit Card is basically a cheque book and cheque card combined. At the point of purchase the money is debited from the customers bank account, after which a transaction voucher has to be signed by the customer so that company knows the right person has used the right card. Also so the company can keep a record of whom has shopped at their establishment. PC5 Importance of security It is very important that financial transactions are recorded clearly and accurately to protect them from theft, fraud and criminal damage . Security checks are there to prevent fraud, theft and to ensure high standards of honesty. By constantly checking records and by special equipment which can detect security checks.